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Dodan Barracks, 35 Years After Power Left

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Dodan Barracks, 35 Years After Power Left

Key Takeaways

  1. Dodan Barracks was once a symbol of power and community life.
    Before the seat of power moved to Abuja, the barracks served as Nigeria’s political nerve centre while fostering close relationships between soldiers and civilians in neighbouring Obalende.
  2. Residents remember a safer, more vibrant era.
    Former residents recalled enjoying reliable electricity, water, recreational facilities, and the lively Mammy Market, with many describing the area as more secure and socially connected than it is today.
  3. Security has tightened as the barracks evolves.
    While the Nigerian Army says renovation and welfare improvements are ongoing, access to the barracks is now heavily restricted, reflecting changing security realities and marking a sharp contrast with its once open and welcoming atmosphere.

Dodan Barracks, located in Ikoyi, Lagos, played host to the former seat of power in Nigeria. But today, 35 years after, it seems to be something else entirely.

It was the residence of heads of state in Nigeria and headquarters of the defunct Supreme Military Council from 1966 until the nation’s capital was moved to Abuja in 1991.The name, “Dodan” originated from the site of a battle fought during World War II by the 82nd West African Division in Burma, which had a strong Nigerian contingent. Later on, and more famously, Dodan Barracks was one of the bases used by some military officers who attempted to overthrow Nigeria’s civilian government in January 1966 and it was also a key location seized in the April 1990 coup attempt by Major Gideon Orkar. One can imagine the grandeur and fortification of the once-powerful palace of the most powerful man in the land, but 35 years after the transfer of the seat of power, this seems to be waning.

Lasisi Sule, 60, who was born in Odo Street, Obalende, told Daily Trust that growing up in the area was a privilege for him and his siblings because of the exposure to certain things teenagers in other parts of Lagos lacked. He recalled how he related to the children of military personnel at the barracks and how those relationships grew into trust and harmony, even later in life. He added that the barracks was his second home, with frequent visits to play football, fetch water, pluck fruits and relax.

Sule said the mutual love played out during the 1990 Gideon Orkar coup when  soldiers loyal to the government spared the lives of civilians living in Obalende when fleeing dissident soldiers were trailed to the neighbourhood. No civilian, he added, was hurt by the soldiers during their search for the dissidents who took refuge  in the houses there in order to escape after the coup failed.

Dodan Barracks, 35 Years After Power Left

 

Sule also recalled how comfortable life was in the military base, compared to the surroundings. To him, the Mammy Market in those days was the centre of social life for soldiers and their civilian friends. He added that the nature of food and drinks served at the market made it unavoidable for both civilians and soldiers. “There was good food and drinks at the Mammy Market in those days which made the place lively and created an avenue for civilians and soldiers to deepen interaction,” he said.

Sule said the old Dodan Barracks gradually lost its originality while the free, convivial atmosphere has dwindled, apparently due to the increasing insecurity in the country, just as he added that the market is no longer as lively.

Abass, 50, lives at Ajeniya Street in Obalende. He said he once had what he called a  ‘privileged’ handshake with the then Head of State, General  Ibrahim Babangida after Juma’at prayers at the Dodan  Barracks Central mosque on a Friday. He said it is something he would forever remember as one of the privileges of residing at Obalende.

Abass said that singular act not only endeared him to the former military ruler, but also prepared him to look forward to occupying a position of authority in the country. He recalled how availability of water, electricity and recreational facilities at the barracks made him ‘abandon’ his residence to have a good feel of life in the military base.

“In those days, I had many friends who were children of soldiers. It enabled me to freely enter the barracks. Because there was no regular electricity and water in Obalende, I chose to frequent the barracks to fetch water and iron my clothes and even eat what I liked there. I also played football and enjoyed other recreational facilities at the barracks,” he added.

Abass said Dodan Barracks made Obalende very secure in those days and people about moved freely, even at night without fear of violence or armed robbery. He recalled that soldiers too went outside the barracks to have a ‘taste’ of Obalende and interacted with civilians, adding, “There was no dull moment in those days as civilians in Obalende and soldiers at the barracks cohabited without any rancour.’

Augustina Gambo, who sells alcoholic drinks at Ajeniya Street in Obalende, recalled how the business boomed before the relocation of the seat of power to the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. “My beer business boomed in those days because of increased patronage from soldiers who frequented here. There was no dull moment between civilians in Obalende and the soldiers who patronised me,” she added.

According to her, it was easy for her to enter the barracks to fetch water and see some of her friends there, unlike now that access is highly restricted.

To her, the sweet memories of the barracks are gradually fading as her beer business is no longer yielding the expected results. She, however, maintained that the proximity of the barracks to Obalende still shields the area from crime, as entering the barracks now subjects one to thorough search and interrogation. “One would be asked by soldiers to call one’s host before being allowed in,” she said, adding that soldiers at the barracks then were friendlier than those there now.

Anani Christopher, 45, who lives on Obalende Road, shares a similar experience with other residents, stating that it was a place where many youngsters had friends. He also told Daily Trust that he frequently visited the barracks to play football, eat at the Mammy Market, and so on.

The then spokesman of 81 Division of the Nigerian Army, Lt. Col. Olaolu Daudu, said there is an ongoing renovation of buildings at the barracks, in line with the welfare programme of the Chief of Army Staff. “Dodan Barracks is among the units and formations under the direct supervision of 81 Div. The barracks’ buildings, though not recent, are among the best in the Lagos area. The Division is responsible for both Ogun and Lagos states. Lifestyle in Dodan Barracks, like the one at any other barracks, is still what it was,” he said.

 

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FCT Security Failure: Byazhin Demands Action as Locals Forced to Fund Own Defence

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FCT Community Demands Immediate Security Boost

In order to address the rising level of insecurity in their community, residents of Byazhin in the Federal Capital Territory’s (FCT) Bwari Area Council have demanded immediate government action.

During a visit to the village on Monday, they made the request in separate interviews with the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN).

According to NAN, some locals were observed removing overgrown plants from residential areas in an attempt to increase visibility and get rid of potential criminal hiding places.

They noted that the security situation had changed their daily routines, with their movement being restricted, especially at night, and that the exercise was intended to supplement current security efforts and make the community safer. Some locals have temporarily moved to safer areas with their family.

One of the impacted residents, Mrs. Christiana Ugo, claimed that she and her family were compelled to leave their house as they no longer felt safe.

“We fled our house because we were worried about what would occur. Until things get better, my kids and I are staying at my sister’s house.

“We hope we can go back home soon and live fearlessly,” she stated.

Ugo stated that while leaving their house was a tough choice, her family’s safety could not be compromised.

Another local, Stephen, also referred to as Papa Elijah, recalled a recent kidnapping and claimed that the victim was freed following the payment of a ransom.

In order to discourage criminal activity, Stephen further claimed that suspected kidnappers operate out of a big rock behind the neighbourhood and urged the authorities to set up a permanent security presence there.

He claims that by planning night patrols, the community has increased local security operations.

Speaking as well, resident Mr. Oluwa Deji stated that many homeowners had opted to stay in the neighbourhood despite security worries because it was not an option for them to forsake buildings they had spent years creating.

Deji observed that locals had decided to continue cooperating and supporting neighbourhood vigilante organisations in the hopes of long-term government action.

According to Mr. Adekunle Adewale, the community’s leader, there have been a few security-related events in the region, such as attempted invasions by suspected herders.

He said that residents had increased internal security by hiring security guards and setting up vigilante patrols three times a week. He also mentioned that monthly security meetings were held to discuss security tactics and examine developments.

When situations surpassed the capabilities of local volunteers, Adewale observed that the community continued to work closely with the police.

However, he voiced concerns about what he called an insufficient government presence, pointing out that the Byazhin Development Association was primarily responsible for funding security measures, infrastructure for energy, and other development projects.

He urged the government to bolster community security and upgrade access routes, arguing that improved infrastructure and ongoing security measures will further improve property and life safety.

The Federal Capital Territory Administration (FCTA) and pertinent security agencies were urged by the locals to improve surveillance, step up routine patrols, and take aggressive steps to safeguard people and property. (NAN)

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SSCE Fee Hike: Government Must Balance Cost Recovery with Access to Education

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SSCE Fee Hike: Government Must Balance Cost Recovery with Access to Education By Comrade Yekini Lukmon R. Afolabi  Telephone: 07065313924 Email: yklukmon@gmail.com 
The decision by the Federal Government to approve an 82 per cent increase in the registration fees for the West African Senior School Certificate Examination (WAEC) and the National Examinations Council (NECO), raising the uniform fee from ₦27,500 to ₦50,000 with effect from March 2027, deserves careful reconsideration. While the rationale behind the adjustment may be understandable, its economic and social implications cannot be ignored.
No one disputes the need for periodic reviews of examination fees. The cost of conducting credible public examinations has risen significantly due to inflation, higher logistics expenses, enhanced security requirements, technological innovations, the rising cost of printing materials, and improved remuneration for permanent and ad hoc personnel. These realities are genuine and cannot simply be wished away.
However, public policy should not be formulated in isolation from the prevailing realities confronting citizens. Today, millions of Nigerian households are battling severe economic hardship. Food inflation remains high, transportation costs continue to rise, and the purchasing power of the average family has been severely eroded. For many parents, providing three meals a day has become a struggle. Introducing an 82 per cent increase in examination fees under these circumstances risks placing an unbearable burden on families already stretched beyond their limits.
Nigeria is home to far more struggling parents than affluent ones. A visit to public secondary schools across the country is enough to appreciate the financial realities confronting ordinary families. For many students, the inability to pay examination fees could mean delayed graduation or outright withdrawal from school. Such an outcome would be a setback for a nation that urgently needs an educated and skilled workforce to drive economic growth.
This issue should not be reduced to partisan politics or sensational criticism. Rather, it calls for constructive engagement between government, education stakeholders, parents, and the examination bodies. While the reasons advanced for the increase are legitimate, there is still room for a balanced solution that protects the financial sustainability of WAEC and NECO without denying deserving students access to education.
Education remains one of the strongest instruments for national development. It builds human capital, reduces poverty, promotes social mobility, and strengthens national productivity. Any policy that inadvertently erects financial barriers to secondary education ultimately undermines the country’s long-term development objectives. Equal educational opportunities should not become the exclusive preserve of children from wealthy homes.
Lagos State offers a practical example worthy of consideration. Since 1999, successive administrations have sustained a policy of paying WAEC registration fees for eligible public secondary school students. Initiated during the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu as Governor of Lagos State, the programme has eased the financial burden on parents and enabled thousands of students to complete their secondary education. Many beneficiaries of that intervention are Today making meaningful contributions to Nigeria’s economy and society. I proudly count myself among them.
This is not necessarily an argument that every state government should assume responsibility for paying SSCE examination fees. Rather, it is an appeal to the Federal Ministry of Education and the relevant examination bodies to review the proposed increase with greater sensitivity to the prevailing economic realities. Alternative funding mechanisms, phased adjustments, targeted subsidies for indigent students, or other creative solutions should be explored before imposing such a steep increase.
Education should never become a privilege reserved for those who can afford it. As Nigeria grapples with the challenge of building a prosperous and inclusive society, policies that expand access to education must take precedence over those that inadvertently shut the door on the children of ordinary citizens. Government must therefore strike a careful balance between recovering operational costs and preserving every Nigerian child’s right to quality education.
Let’s leave no child behind.
By Comrade Yekini Lukmon R. Afolabi
Telephone: 07065313924
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Can Nigeria’s drone industry deliver Africa’s defence sovereignty

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Military manufacturing may be growing, but defence sovereignty depends on far more than production.

Across Africa, the ability to defend borders, monitor territory and protect critical infrastructure remains heavily dependent on foreign suppliers. Turkish drones patrol borders, Chinese surveillance systems monitor cities and Russian fighter jets form the backbone of several air forces.

For decades, African militaries have turned abroad for critical defence technologies, leaving the continent largely positioned as a buyer rather than a producer.

An Abuja-based start-up is attempting to change that equation.

Terra Industries, founded in 2024 by Nathan Nwachuku and Maxwell Maduka, both in their early twenties, designs and manufactures drones, autonomous surveillance towers and unmanned ground vehicles from facilities in Abuja and Accra.

Unlike companies that primarily assemble imported components, Terra says it develops its own software, airframes, propellers and lithium-ion battery packs, with more than 70 percent of its inputs sourced locally.

The company says its systems are currently used to protect infrastructure valued at approximately $11bn, including power plants, lithium and gold mines, oil refineries and other strategic assets across eight African countries and Canada.

Building capability

The shift from importing security technology to producing it locally has become an increasingly important debate across Africa. Governments facing armed groups, porous borders, maritime insecurity and attacks on critical infrastructure are searching for faster and more adaptable solutions.

Terra’s move from private infrastructure security into engagements with Nigeria’s defence institutions reflects that changing environment. The company says its systems are designed to address challenges ranging from maritime surveillance and border monitoring to the protection of energy and mining assets.

The Archer drone, developed by Terra Industries, is part of a new generation of locally manufactured military technology emerging across Africa [Terra Industries]
The Archer drone, developed by Terra Industries, is part of a new generation of locally manufactured military technology emerging across Africa [File: Terra Industries]

“Coastal states in West Africa are focused on maritime surveillance because of piracy and illegal fishing in the Gulf of Guinea,” chief executive Nathan Nwachuku told Al Jazeera. “States dealing with insurgency and porous borders want persistent aerial surveillance and a rapid-response capability. Others are looking at protection for pipelines, power and energy infrastructure, and mining assets, the same problems we started solving in Nigeria.”

The company is now preparing for a larger regional footprint. Nwachuku confirmed that Terra’s second production facility in Ghana will become Africa’s largest drone manufacturing hub, with an annual production capacity of 50,000 units by 2028.

“Our long-term ambition goes beyond the continent because the threats our systems are designed to address exist across the Global South,” he said. “Governments in South Asia and South America face them too, and they face the same dependency on foreign suppliers. We intend to serve them as we grow.”

Investor confidence

The scale of investment behind Terra reflects growing interest in Africa’s emerging defence technology sector. The company has raised $34m in seed funding, which it describes as one of the largest early-stage funding rounds in African technology.

The investment was led by 8VC, the venture capital firm founded by Palantir Technologies co-founder Joe Lonsdale, alongside Lux Capital and Valor Equity Partners, investors behind companies such as Anduril and SpaceX.

“The round closed in under two weeks, which is rare even by global standards,” Tage Kene-Okafor, Terra Industries’ director of communications, told Al Jazeera. “But what has been more exciting is our cap table, where we have the likes of 8VC, Lux Capital and Valor Equity Partners, investors that have backed companies shaping the future of defence and advanced manufacturing globally.”

Security imperative

The interest in companies like Terra comes as drones become increasingly central to conflicts across Africa. In the Sahel, inexpensive commercial drones have moved from surveillance tools to weapons used on the battlefield, creating new challenges for militaries that often lack effective counter-drone capabilities.

According to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED), Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the al-Qaeda-linked coalition operating in Mali and Burkina Faso, has carried out more than 100 drone attacks since 2023, with 2025 recording the highest number to date.

Terra says its Kama interceptor drone was developed in response to this changing threat environment. The company says the system can reach speeds of up to 300kph and is designed to counter hostile drones in environments where traditional air defence systems may be unavailable or too expensive.

Building defence technology, however, is not the same as achieving defence sovereignty.

Sovereignty question

While a country can build manufacturing capacity through investment, engineering talent and industrial policy, defence sovereignty requires institutions capable of managing procurement, ensuring accountability and sustaining strategic industries over the long term.

Janice Greaver, director at the Pan African Sustainable, Innovation and Development Associates (PASIDA), argues that local production alone cannot answer those questions.

“Seventy percent local sourcing means little until we know who controls the intellectual property, who is employed and who is left out,” she told Al Jazeera. “And when private capital arms the state with no visible civil society oversight, we are simply trading one dependency (on foreign suppliers) for another (on unaccountable domestic capital).”

Terra Industries has demonstrated that sophisticated defence technologies can be designed and manufactured in Africa. Its rapid rise reflects both growing technical capability on the continent and the pressure created by worsening security challenges.

Whether that becomes genuine defence sovereignty will depend on what happens beyond the factory floor: how governments buy, regulate and oversee the technologies they increasingly seek to build themselves.

As Greaver cautions: “Its manufacturing capacity is being built, sovereignty requires the accountability structures that do not yet exist”.

Source: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/7/13/can-nigerias-drone-industry-deliver-africas-defence-sovereignty

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