Opinion
What’s the Atrocity of North Central Nigeria?
By Nathan Oguche Emmanuel, PhD
The recently released budgetary allocation for Nigeria’s regional development commissions has stirred justified outrage, especially from the North Central geopolitical zone. With no mention of a commission for the region and zero budgetary allocation, the marginalization of North Central Nigeria has once again taken centre stage. Such blatant and flagrant marginalization, disregarding the principles of national unity and equal opportunity, reveals how the country rewards negative radicalism over peaceful advocacy.
Nigeria boasts five regional development commissions: the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), North East Development Commission (NEDC), North West Development Commission (NWDC), South East Development Commission (SEDC), and South West Development Commission (SWDC). These bodies aim to address specific developmental challenges unique to their zones. For instance, the NDDC was established to tackle environmental degradation caused by oil exploration, while the NEDC addresses the devastation wrought by Boko Haram insurgency. However, the glaring absence of a North Central Development Commission is not just a mistake; it is a loud statement of disregard for the region.
In the proposed 2025 budget, allocations to these commissions are staggering. The NDDC leads with N776.53 billion, followed by NWDC with N585.93 billion, SWDC with N498.40 billion, NEDC with N290.99 billion, and SEDC with N34.27 billion. The North Central zone received nothing. Why do the other five geopolitical zones have regional development commissions, while the North Central does not? Could it be that the region lacks sufficient crises to warrant federal attention, or is this an institutionalized snub and abandonment?
We are aware that Senator Abba Moro’s bill is already at an advanced stage, the fact that the North Central is currently the only region without a regional development commission affirms the age-long neglect of the region. Leaders from other parts of the country often trample on the rights of Middle Belt people and, in many cases, insult them with impunity, knowing that when one side of their cheek is slapped, they readily turn the other side to endure further injustice.
The North Central zone is rich in resources and cultural diversity but faces challenges ranging from underdevelopment to sporadic communal clashes. Despite being the cornerstone of the nation’s unity, its contributions to national cohesion and stability are consistently overlooked. This systemic neglect suggests that Nigeria’s federal structure tends to reward disruption over peaceful coexistence, creating a perverse incentive for regions to generate crises to attract attention.
Many people are already speculating that the region suffers such deep-seated scorn because it lacks a strong dissident to force federal attention. Unlike the Niger Delta, with its militant agitations, or the North East, plagued by insurgency, the North Central has remained relatively subdued, at least in terms of organized dissent. If regional development commissions are established to address the unique developmental challenges of each region, the North Central should have been the next to have one after the Niger Delta. This is because the region, being the melting pot of other regions, has historically suffered due to the excesses of other regions. For instance, when Boko Haram insurgents are vigorously pursued by the military in the North East and West, the North Central often becomes a refuge for the terrorists. Additionally, during the civil war, the people of North Central region suffered at the hands of both the Biafran and Nigerian armies.
The lawmakers representing the North Central region bear part of the blame. While Senator Abba Moro’s efforts should be applauded, further action should be expedited to ensure that his vision for a North Central Development Commission is realized without further delay. The lawmakers from the region have largely failed to champion the cause of their constituents. Many appear more interested in currying favour with power, sacrificing the collective interests of the region for personal gain. This unfortunate development has left the region vulnerable to neglect and exploitation.
The political elites from the Middle Belt must recognize that silence and subservience are not strategies for progress, especially in a country where national discourses are dominantly viewed through the lens of regional interests. They need to prioritize their constituents over political expediency, leveraging their positions to secure the resources and attention the region desperately needs. The federal government must address this glaring inequality and establish a North Central Development Commission to rectify decades of neglect. Equally, the region’s leaders must jettison their lacklustre attitudes and adopt a more proactive stance in advocating for their people.
North Central Nigeria has no apparent sins. The region’s only known sin is its loyalty to a nation that seems determined to overlook it.
Nathan writes from Abuja
Email: emmnatslinks@gmail.com
Opinion
No More Pipeline Vandalism in The Niger Delta, But…
APPRAISING MILITARY RESOLVE AND THE PATH TO SUSTAINABLE OIL SECURITY
By Aaron Mike Odeh
On a recent media assessment visit by the Director, Defence Media Operations, Major General Michael E Onoja on the 20 January 2026, the General Officer Commanding (GOC), 6 Division of the Nigerian Army and Commander Land Component Operation DELTA SAFE, Major General Emmanuel Emeka, stated that there will be “no more pipeline vandalism in the Niger Delta” indicating a strong affirmation of military resolve and institutional confidence in the ongoing operations within Nigeria’s most economically strategic region.
Far from being a casual statement, the pronouncement reflects the operational posture, command clarity, and renewed determination of the Nigerian Armed Forces (AFN) under the leadership of General Olufemi Oluyede. It signals a clear message: the era of unchecked sabotage of national economic assets is being decisively confronted.
CONTEXTUALISING THE GOC’S DECLARATION
Statements of this magnitude from a serving GOC carry both symbolic and operational weight. They are rooted in firsthand command experience, intelligence assessments, and measurable gains on the ground. In this regard, Major General Emmanuel Emeka’s assertion should be understood as a projection of confidence derived from sustained military engagement, improved coordination with sister security agencies, and enhanced operational discipline within the 6 Division’s area of responsibility.
The Niger Delta has long posed complex security challenges due to its difficult terrain, extensive pipeline networks, and the activities of organised criminal syndicates. Against this backdrop, the GOC’s declaration underscores a belief that the Nigerian Armed Forces has reached a level of operational advantage sufficient to deter, disrupt, and dismantle pipeline vandalism networks.
OPERATIONAL GAINS AND MILITARY PROFESSIONALISM
Under Major General Emmanuel Emeka’s command, the 6 Division has intensified patrols, improved intelligence-led operations, and sustained pressure on illegal refining camps and crude oil theft routes. These efforts align with the Federal Government’s strategic objective of securing oil infrastructure as a matter of national economic security.
The GOC’s statement therefore reflects not mere optimism, but a professional assessment of the division’s growing capacity to dominate the operational environment. It also reinforces the Nigerian Armed Forces constitutional role as a stabilising force, committed to safeguarding national assets in support of economic recovery and investor confidence.
THE “BUT”: BEYOND KINETIC SUCCESS
While commending the resolve and achievements of the 6 Division, it is equally important to situate the declaration within a broader national framework. The “but” in the statement should not be interpreted as doubt or contradiction; rather, it represents an acknowledgment of the multifaceted nature of pipeline security in the Niger Delta.
Pipeline vandalism has historically been sustained not only by criminal intent, but also by socioeconomic pressures, environmental degradation, and the absence of alternative livelihoods in some host communities. Military success, while indispensable, achieves greater durability when complemented by effective civil governance, economic inclusion, and community trust-building.
COMMUNITY ENGAGEMENT AS A FORCE MULTIPLIER
One of the strengths of recent military operations in the Niger Delta has been improved civil-military relations. The success of the Armed Forces is closely tied to cooperation from local communities, traditional institutions, and credible stakeholders.
Sustainable pipeline security is most effective when host communities become partners in protection rather than passive observers. The GOC’s declaration implicitly places responsibility on all stakeholders—government agencies, oil companies, community leaders, and youths—to consolidate the gains made by the Armed Forces.
INSTITUTIONAL SYNERGY AND NATIONAL RESPONSIBILITY
The efforts of the 6 Division do not exist in isolation. They form part of a wider national security ecosystem involving regulatory agencies, intelligence services, law enforcement bodies, and policy institutions. The GOC’s confidence should therefore inspire complementary actions across these sectors.
Oil companies must uphold environmental standards and transparent community engagement. Regulatory bodies must enforce accountability. Development agencies must deliver visible dividends of peace. These non-military actions reinforce the security umbrella provided by the Nigerian Armed Forces.
LEADERSHIP AND STRATEGIC MESSAGING
Major General Emmanuel Emeka’s statement also serves as strategic communication—boosting troop morale, reassuring investors, and reinforcing public confidence in the Armed Forces of Nigeria. Such leadership messaging is essential in shaping national narratives around security, discipline, and state authority.
By articulating a firm stance against pipeline vandalism, the GOC is not only commanding troops, but shaping expectations and setting benchmarks for operational success.
CONCLUSION
The declaration that there will be “no more pipeline vandalism in the Niger Delta” should be seen as a reflection of strengthened military capacity, improved leadership focus, and renewed institutional confidence under Major General Emmanuel Emeka, GOC 6 Division of the Armed Forces.
The Nigerian Armed Forces has demonstrated readiness to secure critical national assets. The task ahead is to consolidate these gains through sustained operations, inter-agency synergy, and socio-economic interventions that address underlying vulnerabilities.
In this context, the GOC’s statement stands as both an assurance and a call to collective national responsibility—one that deserves commendation, support, and strategic follow-through.
Aaron Mike Odeh, a Public Affairs Analyst Media Consultant and Community Development Advocator wrote from Post Army Housing Estate Kurudu Abuja
Opinion
Appraising NUPRC’s New Tempo
By Grace Ameh
As a woman who has spent years admiring the quiet strength of sisters carving paths in Nigeria’s demanding energy sector, my heart swelled with genuine joy the moment Chief Mrs. Oritsemeyiwa Eyesan’s appointment as Commission Chief Executive of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission was announced.
Here stands a remarkable daughter of the Niger Delta, graceful yet fiercely determined, becoming the first woman to lead our nation’s upstream regulator. Her rise feels deeply personal, like watching a beloved sister finally claim the spotlight she has long deserved.
The NUPRC, as a young agency born from the transformative Petroleum Industry Act of 2021, has shouldered enormous responsibilities in a complex and evolving landscape—navigating fluctuating production levels amid global energy shifts, addressing delays in data dissemination that can affect investor planning, tackling the persistent menace of crude oil theft that impacts national revenue, and working to enhance transparency in licensing rounds and asset management for greater stakeholder confidence.
This institution emerged with bold ambitions to modernise regulation, attract investment, and optimise Nigeria’s hydrocarbon resources, yet it has operated in an environment marked by inherited challenges and the need for continuous adaptation to deliver on its mandate.
Then, in December 2025, President Bola Tinubu nominated Chief Mrs Eyesan as the first woman to lead NUPRC, a move swiftly confirmed by the Senate.
My spirit lifted immediately. Chief Eyesan’s journey inspires every woman dreaming big in this field. She holds a Bachelor of Education in Economics from the prestigious University of Benin, graduating in 1986 with a solid foundation in economic theory, market analysis, and project evaluation—skills that would prove invaluable in the complex world of energy finance and strategy.
Her academic grounding equipped her to navigate large-scale investments and regulatory frameworks with precision. Early in her career, she honed her financial acumen in banking, serving as Branch Manager at People’s Bank of Nigeria and later as Treasury Officer at Gulf Bank, before joining NNPC in 1992.
Over nearly 33 years, she rose steadily through roles in planning, procurement, corporate strategy, and sustainability, culminating as Executive Vice President, Upstream, until her retirement in November 2024. In that position, she oversaw strategic management of Nigeria’s upstream operations, led sustainability initiatives, strengthened financial discipline, and guided critical reforms aligned with the PIA.
Since assuming office, Chief Eyesan has brought a refreshing wave of purpose and collaboration to NUPRC. Her patriotic commitment shines brightly as she aligns the Commission’s work with President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, emphasising increased crude oil production to enhance energy security and revenue, accelerated gas monetisation to advance the Decade of Gas vision, and robust transparency measures to rebuild investor trust.
I admire her focus on digitisation; she is thoughtfully integrating digital tools to improve operational efficiency, accountability, and ease of business, cutting through layers of bureaucracy that once slowed progress. Her leadership style feels deeply relatable—inclusive and engaging. With an open-door policy and regular town halls, she encourages staff input while forging stronger ties with stakeholders, labour unions, and professional bodies.
She champions environmentally sustainable practices, ensuring growth does not come at the cost of our land and waters. Her strategic vision unfolds organically: boosting crude reserves and output for economic stability, scaling gas utilisation for power generation and exports, fortifying regulations to attract long-term investments, nurturing technical expertise through partnerships and capacity building, and embedding digitisation hand-in-hand with transparency to foster dynamic, confidence-inspiring growth.
In these early weeks of January 2026, tangible steps are emerging. She has advanced the 2025 licensing round, scheduling a key pre-bid conference for January 14 in Lagos to draw fresh capital into exploration and development. Partnerships, such as deepened synergy with the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority, highlight her collaborative spirit.
What touches me profoundly is how Chief Eyesan views challenges as opportunities. She inherited an agency needing revitalisation but approaches it with grace, strategy, and unyielding diligence—that workaholic patriotism we so admire in trailblazing women. Her experience positions her uniquely to resolve legacy issues, unlock stranded assets, and position NUPRC as Africa’s premier regulator.
Reflecting on this new era, sisterly pride overwhelms me. Chief Mrs. Oritsemeyiwa Eyesan is truly an Amazon—resilient, visionary, and devoted to Nigeria’s progress. In her capable hands, the upstream sector is not just recovering; it is poised to soar, delivering sustainable wealth for generations.
Dear sister, you embody the hope we renew daily. The light of your leadership illuminates our path forward, proving once again that when a woman of substance rises, the nation rises with her.
*Ameh an Oil and gas expert writes from Kaduna.
Opinion
FIFA World Cup: Counting the costs of Super Eagles missed opportunities
By Victor Okoye
As the football world prepares for the expanded 48-team 2026 FIFA World Cup, Nigeria is facing the prospect of missing the global showpiece for the eighth time since its inception in 1930, a development that has drawn concern from football stakeholders and sports administrators in the country.
The Super Eagles, who made their World Cup debut at USA 1994, have qualified for the finals six times but failed to reach the tournament on seven previous occasions.
Should Nigeria fail to qualify for the 2026 edition, it would mark the eight miss and a second consecutive absence, further highlighting the rising cost of non-participation in an era of unprecedented financial rewards.
Historically, missing the World Cup was largely a sporting setback. Financial incentives were modest in earlier tournaments.
In USA 1994, FIFA’s total prize money stood at about 62 million dollars, with champions Brazil earning roughly four million dollars.
France 1998 offered about 131 million dollars in total prize money, while winners received around six million dollars.
The figures rose steadily to 300 million dollars at Brazil 2014 and 440 million dollars at Russia 2018 and Qatar 2022.
However, FIFA’s recent review has significantly raised the stakes.
The FIFA Council has approved a record 727 million dollars financial package for the 2026 World Cup, to be co-hosted by the United States, Canada and Mexico.
At an estimated exchange rate of 1,500 naira to the dollar, the total sum translates to about 1.09 trillion naira.
Of this amount, 655 million dollars (approximately 982.5 billion naira) will be shared as prize money among the 48 participating teams.
Champions will earn 50 million dollars, runners-up 33 million dollars, third place 29 million dollars and fourth place 27 million dollars.
Teams finishing between fifth and eighth will receive 19 million dollars, ninth to 16th are to receive 15 million dollars, 17th to 32nd will pocket 11 million dollars, while teams ranked 33rd to 48th will earn nine million dollars.
Each qualified nation will also receive 1.5 million dollars as preparation funds.
This guarantees every participating team a minimum of 10.5 million dollars — about 15.75 billion naira — before the tournament begins.
Nigeria’s 2026 qualification campaign ended in disappointment after the Super Eagles finished second behind South Africa in their group and lost the African playoff final to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) on penalties.
To date, no public official report has broken down the total operational costs or expenditure to prosecute the 2026 World Cup qualifying campaign (travel, allowances, camps, logistics) but there are concerns and scrutiny over Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) finances.
The scrutiny includes how funds received from FIFA and CAF have been used over the years following the House of Representatives move to probe more than 25 million dollars in FIFA/CAF grants given to the NFF between 2015 and 2025, citing accountability questions.
However, the NFF has petitioned FIFA over alleged player-eligibility breaches by DR Congo, a move that has reopened debate within the football community.
Reacting to the situation, former Super Eagles captain and 1994 AFCON winner, Mutiu Adepoju, described the possibility of another World Cup absence as “a huge setback”.
“Missing one World Cup is painful, but missing two in a row is unacceptable for a country like Nigeria. Beyond pride, the financial loss is enormous and affects football development at all levels,” Adepoju said.
Former NFF Technical Director, Austin Eguavoen, said qualification had become more critical than ever due to the new prize structure.
“In the past, the World Cup was more about exposure. Now, the money involved can change the entire football ecosystem. Missing out means missing an opportunity to invest in grassroots and infrastructure,” Eguavoen said.
Chairman of the Nigeria Premier Football League (NPFL), Gbenga Elegbeleye, said the impact would also be felt in the domestic league.
“When the national team is at the World Cup, it attracts attention to our league and players. Absence reduces visibility, sponsorship interest and confidence in the system,” Elegbeleye said.
Similarly, former Minister of Sports, Solomon Dalung, said Nigeria must treat World Cup qualification as a national project.
“The Super Eagles missing the World Cup repeatedly shows deeper administrative and structural issues. The financial consequences alone should force stakeholders to rethink planning and accountability,” Dalung said.
On the legal challenge before FIFA, NFF Secretary-General, Dr Mohammed Sanusi, confirmed that the matter was under review.
“We have submitted our petition and we are waiting for FIFA’s decision. The rules are clear on nationality and eligibility, and we believe the issues raised deserve careful consideration,” Sanusi said.
If FIFA rules in Nigeria’s favour, the Super Eagles could be reinstated into the intercontinental playoffs, restoring a pathway to qualification and access to guaranteed earnings of at least 15.75 billion naira.
Failure would confirm Nigeria’s eighth World Cup absence, with consequences ranging from lost revenue and reduced global visibility to diminished influence in international football.
With the 2026 World Cup set to deliver the highest financial rewards in FIFA history, stakeholders agree that Nigeria can no longer afford repeated absences from football’s biggest stage.
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