Opinion
Babachir David Lawal and the New Orange in Town
By Samuel Itodo
The recent alliance between Nasir El-Rufai and Babachir David Lawal to thwart President Bola Tinubu’s re-election bid in 2027 is more of a predictable manoeuvre and a fiendish scheme. Lawal’s assumption that their devious machination represents a growing dissent against the presidency is nothing short of astonishing.
What’s even more disturbing is the tendency of former public officials to assume the role of self-appointed critics. Their selfish and self-centred actions while in power have led to a downward spiral of noise-making and political distress. It’s a never-ending cycle with no escape. The recent report on the Daily Post is likely nothing more than a fabrication. Lawal will probably emerge from his “drunken state” to issue a rebuttal, as is his usual tradition.
His agitated and power-drunk reasoning has led him down a path of self-imposed assumptions. Has he conveniently forgotten his past? The man who oversaw the destruction of Nigeria under the Buhari administration now claims to be a champion of the people. It’s a shameless attempt to deceive the public and an insult to our collective sensibilities.
Why do these disgruntled former officials think they can manipulate us, destroy our collective wealth and prosperity, and then return as saints? Do they assume we’re gullible and forgetful? Babachir’s assumptions are all mischievous fallacies and a factor of the modicum of his infertile calculations and confused mind. He is simply the new orange in Town.
Back in the 70s, there was this popular television series in the United States that was based on a memoir by Piper Kerman while he was serving terms in prison for drug-related offences. The memoir was written to his girlfriend, referencing the colour of the prison jumpsuits, which incidentally played into the theatre world and became a lexicon. The gist of the story depicts, how Bennett is about to leave, and Cesar gives him a crib that belonged to Dava as a baby, as a lover left the crib by the roadside and drove away (“Beds Bugs and Beyond”) absconding both his job and responsibilities.
Two things are inseparable in this story; orange being the common colour of the uniforms in the American prison system has been changed to “a new black” which is what is trending, always on the rise, and like Bennet, while the bear the crib the abdicate throwing away the baby and the crib, “Beds Bugs and Beyond” just like Babachir and his co-travellers, neglecting the welfare of the people for obdurate and primitive accumulations and chasing what is in trend.
Babachir wants power, not for the prosperity of the people. He wants to be in politics, not for development. He wants it to accumulate for himself and his family. For him, politics is and must always be about ‘me, myself and mine’. It is either for him or for his family. Does he think we have forgotten how he plundered his country and brought it to ruins? Has he forgotten his 10-count charge, bordering on fraud, diversion of funds and criminal conspiracy to the tune of over N544 million?
Did he forget that even as the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) he was still a director of Rholavision Engineering Ltd and knowingly held indirectly private interest in the contract awarded to Josmon Technological Ltd but executed by Rholavision Engineering Ltd for the removal of invasive plant species and simplified irrigation to the tune of N258,132,735.99 (Two Hundred and Fifty-eight Million, One hundred and Thirty-two Thousand, Seven Hundred and Thirty-five Naira, Ninety-nine kobo) only, by his office through the Presidential Initiative for North East (PINE)
Babachir Lawal’s sudden amnesia is astonishing. Does he really think the nation has forgotten the allegations that led to his suspension as Secretary to the Government of the Federation? The Senate probe into his involvement in a consultancy contract awarded to his company, Rholavision Engineering Limited, for the removal of invasive plant species in Yobe State, is still fresh in our minds.
We haven’t forgotten how his actions exacerbated the humanitarian crisis in the North East, leading to the disastrous plights of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and poverty and hunger in the region. The Senate’s findings during a three-day public hearing are still etched in our memories: a serious humanitarian crisis in the North East, with hunger, disease, squalor, deprivation, and want amongst the IDPs.
It’s appalling that Lawal thinks we’ve forgotten the claims of Federal Government Agencies under his control, which alleged that huge sums of money were spent on IDPs in the North East, yet nothing was on the ground to justify such claims. The acute shortage of food in the camps, despite the Presidential Initiative on the North East (PINE) awarding contracts under the principle of emergency, is a stark reminder of his mishandling of the situation.
Lawal’s mischief has led him to forget the severity of his actions, but we haven’t forgotten. The nation remembers how PINE took undue advantage of emergency contract situations to over-inflate contracts and award them to companies belonging to top government officials, including his own company, Rholavision Engineering Limited.
What can he say about the fact that although he deceitfully pretended to have resigned from the directorship of the company in September 2016, he was still the signatory to accounts of the company? Let him explain, as he goes around as a lollygag, in a voyage of self-distraught, the fact that 95% to 100% payments of all contracts awarded by PINE were paid even when some contracts were yet to be fully executed. For example, the payment of One Hundred and Eight Million Naira (180,000,000) for the supply of 1100 units of temporary tarpaulin carbines even though 125 units valued at Thirty Seven Million, Seven Hundred Thousand Naira (37,700,000) was yet to be supplied.
As the SGF, what positive thing did he bring to the table as reforms or strategic policies that will ameliorate the plight of the citizens? What were his contributions to his home State or even his immediate Local Council or every home, if not his palatial building and opulent, ostentatious lifestyle, displaying the people’s wealth at every opportunity? Let him tell us who and who is with him on this. We know he is alone, and has always been a lone ranger. His best bet is himself and his immediate family members. He knows who brought about the poverty and hunger in his zone.
Uncle Babachir David Lawal should therefore cover his face in shame, and stop making noise, because he is the New Orange in Town, the more we see, the less we understand, and more so we know his nefarious past and understand his present criminal instinct of trying his hand on what may be trending, thinking instigating the people against President Tinubu will give him popularity and a chance to come back to power. When he is talking Orange, he is showing Black.
*Itodo is a public affairs analyst
Opinion
No More Pipeline Vandalism in The Niger Delta, But…
APPRAISING MILITARY RESOLVE AND THE PATH TO SUSTAINABLE OIL SECURITY
By Aaron Mike Odeh
On a recent media assessment visit by the Director, Defence Media Operations, Major General Michael E Onoja on the 20 January 2026, the General Officer Commanding (GOC), 6 Division of the Nigerian Army and Commander Land Component Operation DELTA SAFE, Major General Emmanuel Emeka, stated that there will be “no more pipeline vandalism in the Niger Delta” indicating a strong affirmation of military resolve and institutional confidence in the ongoing operations within Nigeria’s most economically strategic region.
Far from being a casual statement, the pronouncement reflects the operational posture, command clarity, and renewed determination of the Nigerian Armed Forces (AFN) under the leadership of General Olufemi Oluyede. It signals a clear message: the era of unchecked sabotage of national economic assets is being decisively confronted.
CONTEXTUALISING THE GOC’S DECLARATION
Statements of this magnitude from a serving GOC carry both symbolic and operational weight. They are rooted in firsthand command experience, intelligence assessments, and measurable gains on the ground. In this regard, Major General Emmanuel Emeka’s assertion should be understood as a projection of confidence derived from sustained military engagement, improved coordination with sister security agencies, and enhanced operational discipline within the 6 Division’s area of responsibility.
The Niger Delta has long posed complex security challenges due to its difficult terrain, extensive pipeline networks, and the activities of organised criminal syndicates. Against this backdrop, the GOC’s declaration underscores a belief that the Nigerian Armed Forces has reached a level of operational advantage sufficient to deter, disrupt, and dismantle pipeline vandalism networks.
OPERATIONAL GAINS AND MILITARY PROFESSIONALISM
Under Major General Emmanuel Emeka’s command, the 6 Division has intensified patrols, improved intelligence-led operations, and sustained pressure on illegal refining camps and crude oil theft routes. These efforts align with the Federal Government’s strategic objective of securing oil infrastructure as a matter of national economic security.
The GOC’s statement therefore reflects not mere optimism, but a professional assessment of the division’s growing capacity to dominate the operational environment. It also reinforces the Nigerian Armed Forces constitutional role as a stabilising force, committed to safeguarding national assets in support of economic recovery and investor confidence.
THE “BUT”: BEYOND KINETIC SUCCESS
While commending the resolve and achievements of the 6 Division, it is equally important to situate the declaration within a broader national framework. The “but” in the statement should not be interpreted as doubt or contradiction; rather, it represents an acknowledgment of the multifaceted nature of pipeline security in the Niger Delta.
Pipeline vandalism has historically been sustained not only by criminal intent, but also by socioeconomic pressures, environmental degradation, and the absence of alternative livelihoods in some host communities. Military success, while indispensable, achieves greater durability when complemented by effective civil governance, economic inclusion, and community trust-building.
COMMUNITY ENGAGEMENT AS A FORCE MULTIPLIER
One of the strengths of recent military operations in the Niger Delta has been improved civil-military relations. The success of the Armed Forces is closely tied to cooperation from local communities, traditional institutions, and credible stakeholders.
Sustainable pipeline security is most effective when host communities become partners in protection rather than passive observers. The GOC’s declaration implicitly places responsibility on all stakeholders—government agencies, oil companies, community leaders, and youths—to consolidate the gains made by the Armed Forces.
INSTITUTIONAL SYNERGY AND NATIONAL RESPONSIBILITY
The efforts of the 6 Division do not exist in isolation. They form part of a wider national security ecosystem involving regulatory agencies, intelligence services, law enforcement bodies, and policy institutions. The GOC’s confidence should therefore inspire complementary actions across these sectors.
Oil companies must uphold environmental standards and transparent community engagement. Regulatory bodies must enforce accountability. Development agencies must deliver visible dividends of peace. These non-military actions reinforce the security umbrella provided by the Nigerian Armed Forces.
LEADERSHIP AND STRATEGIC MESSAGING
Major General Emmanuel Emeka’s statement also serves as strategic communication—boosting troop morale, reassuring investors, and reinforcing public confidence in the Armed Forces of Nigeria. Such leadership messaging is essential in shaping national narratives around security, discipline, and state authority.
By articulating a firm stance against pipeline vandalism, the GOC is not only commanding troops, but shaping expectations and setting benchmarks for operational success.
CONCLUSION
The declaration that there will be “no more pipeline vandalism in the Niger Delta” should be seen as a reflection of strengthened military capacity, improved leadership focus, and renewed institutional confidence under Major General Emmanuel Emeka, GOC 6 Division of the Armed Forces.
The Nigerian Armed Forces has demonstrated readiness to secure critical national assets. The task ahead is to consolidate these gains through sustained operations, inter-agency synergy, and socio-economic interventions that address underlying vulnerabilities.
In this context, the GOC’s statement stands as both an assurance and a call to collective national responsibility—one that deserves commendation, support, and strategic follow-through.
Aaron Mike Odeh, a Public Affairs Analyst Media Consultant and Community Development Advocator wrote from Post Army Housing Estate Kurudu Abuja
Opinion
Appraising NUPRC’s New Tempo
By Grace Ameh
As a woman who has spent years admiring the quiet strength of sisters carving paths in Nigeria’s demanding energy sector, my heart swelled with genuine joy the moment Chief Mrs. Oritsemeyiwa Eyesan’s appointment as Commission Chief Executive of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission was announced.
Here stands a remarkable daughter of the Niger Delta, graceful yet fiercely determined, becoming the first woman to lead our nation’s upstream regulator. Her rise feels deeply personal, like watching a beloved sister finally claim the spotlight she has long deserved.
The NUPRC, as a young agency born from the transformative Petroleum Industry Act of 2021, has shouldered enormous responsibilities in a complex and evolving landscape—navigating fluctuating production levels amid global energy shifts, addressing delays in data dissemination that can affect investor planning, tackling the persistent menace of crude oil theft that impacts national revenue, and working to enhance transparency in licensing rounds and asset management for greater stakeholder confidence.
This institution emerged with bold ambitions to modernise regulation, attract investment, and optimise Nigeria’s hydrocarbon resources, yet it has operated in an environment marked by inherited challenges and the need for continuous adaptation to deliver on its mandate.
Then, in December 2025, President Bola Tinubu nominated Chief Mrs Eyesan as the first woman to lead NUPRC, a move swiftly confirmed by the Senate.
My spirit lifted immediately. Chief Eyesan’s journey inspires every woman dreaming big in this field. She holds a Bachelor of Education in Economics from the prestigious University of Benin, graduating in 1986 with a solid foundation in economic theory, market analysis, and project evaluation—skills that would prove invaluable in the complex world of energy finance and strategy.
Her academic grounding equipped her to navigate large-scale investments and regulatory frameworks with precision. Early in her career, she honed her financial acumen in banking, serving as Branch Manager at People’s Bank of Nigeria and later as Treasury Officer at Gulf Bank, before joining NNPC in 1992.
Over nearly 33 years, she rose steadily through roles in planning, procurement, corporate strategy, and sustainability, culminating as Executive Vice President, Upstream, until her retirement in November 2024. In that position, she oversaw strategic management of Nigeria’s upstream operations, led sustainability initiatives, strengthened financial discipline, and guided critical reforms aligned with the PIA.
Since assuming office, Chief Eyesan has brought a refreshing wave of purpose and collaboration to NUPRC. Her patriotic commitment shines brightly as she aligns the Commission’s work with President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, emphasising increased crude oil production to enhance energy security and revenue, accelerated gas monetisation to advance the Decade of Gas vision, and robust transparency measures to rebuild investor trust.
I admire her focus on digitisation; she is thoughtfully integrating digital tools to improve operational efficiency, accountability, and ease of business, cutting through layers of bureaucracy that once slowed progress. Her leadership style feels deeply relatable—inclusive and engaging. With an open-door policy and regular town halls, she encourages staff input while forging stronger ties with stakeholders, labour unions, and professional bodies.
She champions environmentally sustainable practices, ensuring growth does not come at the cost of our land and waters. Her strategic vision unfolds organically: boosting crude reserves and output for economic stability, scaling gas utilisation for power generation and exports, fortifying regulations to attract long-term investments, nurturing technical expertise through partnerships and capacity building, and embedding digitisation hand-in-hand with transparency to foster dynamic, confidence-inspiring growth.
In these early weeks of January 2026, tangible steps are emerging. She has advanced the 2025 licensing round, scheduling a key pre-bid conference for January 14 in Lagos to draw fresh capital into exploration and development. Partnerships, such as deepened synergy with the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority, highlight her collaborative spirit.
What touches me profoundly is how Chief Eyesan views challenges as opportunities. She inherited an agency needing revitalisation but approaches it with grace, strategy, and unyielding diligence—that workaholic patriotism we so admire in trailblazing women. Her experience positions her uniquely to resolve legacy issues, unlock stranded assets, and position NUPRC as Africa’s premier regulator.
Reflecting on this new era, sisterly pride overwhelms me. Chief Mrs. Oritsemeyiwa Eyesan is truly an Amazon—resilient, visionary, and devoted to Nigeria’s progress. In her capable hands, the upstream sector is not just recovering; it is poised to soar, delivering sustainable wealth for generations.
Dear sister, you embody the hope we renew daily. The light of your leadership illuminates our path forward, proving once again that when a woman of substance rises, the nation rises with her.
*Ameh an Oil and gas expert writes from Kaduna.
Opinion
FIFA World Cup: Counting the costs of Super Eagles missed opportunities
By Victor Okoye
As the football world prepares for the expanded 48-team 2026 FIFA World Cup, Nigeria is facing the prospect of missing the global showpiece for the eighth time since its inception in 1930, a development that has drawn concern from football stakeholders and sports administrators in the country.
The Super Eagles, who made their World Cup debut at USA 1994, have qualified for the finals six times but failed to reach the tournament on seven previous occasions.
Should Nigeria fail to qualify for the 2026 edition, it would mark the eight miss and a second consecutive absence, further highlighting the rising cost of non-participation in an era of unprecedented financial rewards.
Historically, missing the World Cup was largely a sporting setback. Financial incentives were modest in earlier tournaments.
In USA 1994, FIFA’s total prize money stood at about 62 million dollars, with champions Brazil earning roughly four million dollars.
France 1998 offered about 131 million dollars in total prize money, while winners received around six million dollars.
The figures rose steadily to 300 million dollars at Brazil 2014 and 440 million dollars at Russia 2018 and Qatar 2022.
However, FIFA’s recent review has significantly raised the stakes.
The FIFA Council has approved a record 727 million dollars financial package for the 2026 World Cup, to be co-hosted by the United States, Canada and Mexico.
At an estimated exchange rate of 1,500 naira to the dollar, the total sum translates to about 1.09 trillion naira.
Of this amount, 655 million dollars (approximately 982.5 billion naira) will be shared as prize money among the 48 participating teams.
Champions will earn 50 million dollars, runners-up 33 million dollars, third place 29 million dollars and fourth place 27 million dollars.
Teams finishing between fifth and eighth will receive 19 million dollars, ninth to 16th are to receive 15 million dollars, 17th to 32nd will pocket 11 million dollars, while teams ranked 33rd to 48th will earn nine million dollars.
Each qualified nation will also receive 1.5 million dollars as preparation funds.
This guarantees every participating team a minimum of 10.5 million dollars — about 15.75 billion naira — before the tournament begins.
Nigeria’s 2026 qualification campaign ended in disappointment after the Super Eagles finished second behind South Africa in their group and lost the African playoff final to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) on penalties.
To date, no public official report has broken down the total operational costs or expenditure to prosecute the 2026 World Cup qualifying campaign (travel, allowances, camps, logistics) but there are concerns and scrutiny over Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) finances.
The scrutiny includes how funds received from FIFA and CAF have been used over the years following the House of Representatives move to probe more than 25 million dollars in FIFA/CAF grants given to the NFF between 2015 and 2025, citing accountability questions.
However, the NFF has petitioned FIFA over alleged player-eligibility breaches by DR Congo, a move that has reopened debate within the football community.
Reacting to the situation, former Super Eagles captain and 1994 AFCON winner, Mutiu Adepoju, described the possibility of another World Cup absence as “a huge setback”.
“Missing one World Cup is painful, but missing two in a row is unacceptable for a country like Nigeria. Beyond pride, the financial loss is enormous and affects football development at all levels,” Adepoju said.
Former NFF Technical Director, Austin Eguavoen, said qualification had become more critical than ever due to the new prize structure.
“In the past, the World Cup was more about exposure. Now, the money involved can change the entire football ecosystem. Missing out means missing an opportunity to invest in grassroots and infrastructure,” Eguavoen said.
Chairman of the Nigeria Premier Football League (NPFL), Gbenga Elegbeleye, said the impact would also be felt in the domestic league.
“When the national team is at the World Cup, it attracts attention to our league and players. Absence reduces visibility, sponsorship interest and confidence in the system,” Elegbeleye said.
Similarly, former Minister of Sports, Solomon Dalung, said Nigeria must treat World Cup qualification as a national project.
“The Super Eagles missing the World Cup repeatedly shows deeper administrative and structural issues. The financial consequences alone should force stakeholders to rethink planning and accountability,” Dalung said.
On the legal challenge before FIFA, NFF Secretary-General, Dr Mohammed Sanusi, confirmed that the matter was under review.
“We have submitted our petition and we are waiting for FIFA’s decision. The rules are clear on nationality and eligibility, and we believe the issues raised deserve careful consideration,” Sanusi said.
If FIFA rules in Nigeria’s favour, the Super Eagles could be reinstated into the intercontinental playoffs, restoring a pathway to qualification and access to guaranteed earnings of at least 15.75 billion naira.
Failure would confirm Nigeria’s eighth World Cup absence, with consequences ranging from lost revenue and reduced global visibility to diminished influence in international football.
With the 2026 World Cup set to deliver the highest financial rewards in FIFA history, stakeholders agree that Nigeria can no longer afford repeated absences from football’s biggest stage.
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